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Sources et bibliographie
Al-cUdhrī 1965 = A. al-cUdhrī, Unṣūṣ can al-Andalus, Madrid, Machad al-Darāsāt al-Islāmiyya, 1965.
Barceló Torres 1980 = C. Barceló Torres, La morería de Valencia en el reinado de Juan II, in Saitibi, 30, 1980, p. 49-71.
Basáñez Villaluenga 1989 = M. B. Basáñez Villaluenga, La aljama sarracena de Huesca en el siglo XIV, Barcelona, 1989, p. 133-4, doc. 5.
Basáñez Villaluenga 1999 = M. B. Basáñez Villaluenga, Las morerías aragonesas durante el reinado de Jaime II. Catálogo de la documentación de la Cancillería Real. I (1291-1310), Teruel, 1999, p. 67, doc. 127.
Boswell 1977 = J. Boswell, The Royal Treasure. Muslim Communities Under the Crown of Aragon in the Fourteenth Century, New Haven, 1977, p. 30, 417-419.
Bulliet 1979 = R. W. Bulliet, Spain, in Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period. An Essay in Quantitative History, Cambridge, 1979, p. 114-127.
Burns 1967 = R. I. Burns, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia. Reconstruction of a Thirteenth Century Frontier, Cambridge, 1967.
Burns 1973 = R. I. Burns, Islam Under the Crusaders. Colonial Survival in the Thirteenth Century Kingdom of Valencia, Princeton, 1973.
Catlos 1999 = B. A. Catlos, Secundum Suam Zunam. Muslims and the Law in the Aragonese ‘Reconquest’, in Mediterranean Studies, 7, 1999, p. 13-17.
Catlos 2001 = B. A. Catlos, Cristians, Musulmans i Jueus a la Corona d’Aragó medieva. Un cas de « conveniència », in L’Avenç, 236, November 2001, p. 8-16.
Catlos 2002a = B. A. Catlos, Contexto social y « conveniencia » en la Corona de Aragón. Propuesta para un modelo de interacción entre grupos etno-religiosos minoritarios y mayoritarios, in Revista d’història medieval, 12, 2002, p. 220-235.
Catlos 2002b = B. A. Catlos, The Ebro Valley and Valencia Mudéjar Experiences Related, Distinct, in Revista d’història medieval, 12, 2002, p. 293-305.
Catlos 2003 = B. A. Catlos, Intereses comunes. La çaualquenia musulmana de Huesca y el poder real a finales del siglo XIII, in XVIII Congreso de la Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Actas, Barcelona, Barcelona, 2003, p. 65-70.
Catlos 2004a = B. A. Catlos, Fiscal and Confessional Identity. The Galips, Templar Vassals in Zaragoza (1179-1390), and Franquitas and Factionalism in Daroca. The Luçera Family vs. the Aljama (1267-1302…), in Catlos 2004b, p. 327-338.
Catlos 2004b = B. A. Catlos, The Victors and the Vanquished Christians and Muslims of Catalonia and Aragon, 1050-1300, Cambridge, 2004.
Catlos 2009a = B. A. Catlos, The De Reys (1220-1501). The Evolution of a « Middle-Class » Muslim Family in Christian Aragon, in Viator, 40, 2009, p. 197-219.
Catlos 2009b = B. A. Catlos, Justice Served Or Justice Subverted ? Two Muslim Women Sue a Local Mudéjar O p. icial, in Thirteenth-Century Aragon, in Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 39, 2009, p. 177-202.
Catlos 2009c = B. A. Catlos, Privilegio y poder en el Aragón mudéjar. El auge y declive del çaualaquem Çalema, in A. Echevarría (ed.), Biografías mudéjares, o la experiencia de ser minoría. Biografías islámicas en la España cristiana, Madrid, 2009, p. 133-182.
Catlos in progress = B. A. Catlos, Paradoxes of Pluralism Ethno-Religious Diversity and the Medieval Mediterranean (in progress).
Corominas 1981 = J. Corominas, Diccionario crítico-etimológico castellano e hispánico, Madrid, 1981.
Corral Lafuente 1993 = J. L. Corral Lafuente, Aldeas contra villas señorios y comunidades en Aragón (siglos XIII-XIV), in E. Sarasa Sánchez, E. Serrano Martín (eds.), Señorio y feudalismo en la peninsula iberica, Zaragoza, 1993, p. 487-500.
Durán Guidol 1975 = A. Durán Guidol, De la Marca Superior de al-Andalus al reino de Aragón, Sobrarbe y Ribagorza, Huesca, 1975.
Echevarría Arsuaga 2003 = A. Echevarría Arsuaga, « Vassal and Friend ». Strategies of Mudejar Submission and Resistance to Christian Power in Castile, in H. Hames (ed.), Jews, Muslims and Christians in and Around the Crown of Aragon. Essays in Honour of Professor Elena Lourie, Leiden, 2003, p. 183-96.
Febrer Romaguera 1986 = M. V. Febrer Romaguera, Los Bellvís. Una dinastía mudéjar de Alcadíes Generales de Valencia, Aragón y Principado de Cataluña, in Simposio internacional de Mudejarismo. Actas del III Simposio internacional de Mudejarismo, Teruel, 20-22 de septiembre de 1984, Teruel, 1986, p. 277-290.
Ferrer i Mallol 2007 = M. T. Ferrer i Mallol, Francos pero excluidos de la mezquita i del cementerio Los Bellito y los Galip de la morería de Zaragoza, in M. del Val González de la Peña (ed.), Estudios en memoria del Profesor Dr. Carlos Sáez. Homenaje, Alcalá de Henares, 2007, p. 341-352.
Fuchs 2009 = B. Fuchs, Exotic Nation Maurophilia and the Construction of Early Modern Spain, Philadelphia, 2009.
Guichard 1977 = P. Guichard, Structures sociales « orientales » et « occidentales » dans l’Espagne musulmane, Paris, 1977.
Guichard 1990 = P. Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence et la Reconquête (XIe-XIIIe siècles), Damascus, 1990.
Ladero Quesada 1981 = M. A. Ladero Quesada, Los mudéjares de Castilla en la baja edad media, in Actas del I Simposio Internacional de Mudejarismo (1975), Teruel-Madrid, 1981, p. 349-390.
Lopes de Barros 2008 = M. F. Lopes de Barros, Tempos e espaços de Mouros. A minoria muçulmana no reino português (séculos XII a XV), Lisbon, 2008.
Lourie 1990 = E. Lourie, Anatomy of Ambivalence. Muslims under the Crown of Aragon in the Late Thirteenth Century, Crusade and Colonisation. Muslims, Christians and Jews in Medieval Aragon, Aldershot, 1990, Ch. VII, p. 34, 36-39, 42, and 46-47.
Marín 1998-1999 = M. Marín, Biographical Dictionaries and Social History of al-Andalus. Trade and Scholarship, in Scripta Mediterranea, 19-20, 1998-1999, p. 255.
Meyerson 2010 = M. Meyerson, Conquest, Kinship, and Conversion Comparative Perspectives on Muslim-Christian Relations in the Medieval Mediterranean, a paper presented at the 124th Annual Meeting of the American Historical Association, Friday, January 8, 2010.
Miller 2008 = K. A. Miller, Guardians of Islam. Religious Authority and Muslim Communities of Late Medieval Spain, New York, 2008.
Mutgé i Vives 1998 = J. Mutgé i Vives, Els Bimferre, in L’Islam i Catalunya, Barcelona, 1998, p. 291-295.
O'Callaghan 1990 = J. F. O'Callaghan, Mudejars of Castile and Portugal in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, in J. M. Powell (ed.), Muslims Under Latin Rule, 1100-1300, Princeton, 1990, p. 87-106.
Sénac 1991 = P. Sénac, Poblamiento, hábitats rurales y sociedad en la Marca Superior de al-Andalus, in Aragón en la Edad Media, 9, 1991, p. 401.
Soyer 2006 = F. Soyer, Muslim Freedmen in León, Castile and Portugal (1100-1300), in al-Masaq, 18, 2006, p. 129-143.
Stalls 1995 = W. C. Stalls, Possessing the Land. Aragon’s Expansion into Islam’s Ebro Frontier under Alfonso the Battler, 1104-1134, Leiden, 1995.
Torró Abad 1999 = J. Torró Abad, El naixement d’una colònia. Dominació i resistència a la frontera valenciana (1238-1276), València, 1999.
Torró Abad 2009 = J. Torró Abad, Field and Canal Building After the Conquest. Modifications to the Cultivated Ecosystem in the Kingdom of Valencia, ca. 1250-ca. 1350, in B. A. Catlos (ed.), Worlds of History and Economics. Essays in Honour of Andrew M. Watson, Valencia, 2009, p. 77-108.
Ubieto Arteta 1981a = A. Ubieto, Creación y desarollo de la Corona de Aragón, in Historia de Aragón, vol. 5., Zaragoza, 1981.
Ubieto Arteta 1981b = A. Ubieto Arteta, Orígenes de Aragón, in Historia de Aragón, vol. 6, Zaragoza, 1981.
Van Koningsveld – Wiegers 1996 = P. S. van Koningsveld, G. A. Wiegers, The Islamic Statute of the Mudejars in the Light of a New Source, in Al-Qantara, 17, 1996, p. 19-58.
Wasserstein 1985 = D. Wasserstein, The Rise and Fall of the Party-Kings. Politics and Society in Islamic Spain 1002-1086, Princeton NJ, 1985.
For the early history of the Kingdom of Aragón and the conquests of the eleventh century, see Durán Guidol 1975, and Ubieto Arteta 1981b.
Despite the illegality of the practice (from a Christian perspective), prior to the late-eleventh century members of the Christian and Muslim nobility in the northeast of the peninsula intermarried, but this practice was utterly abandoned by the time that the era of Christian expansion began. Evidence for intermarriage survives in occasional references in early chronicles. See, for example, the reference to cAmrūs b. Muhammad of Huesca and his relation by marriage to Sancho ibn García in the tenth century, as described in Al-cUdhrī 1965, p. 68.
Under Sancho Ramírez (1063-94) and Pedro I (1094-1104) the Aragonese conquered territories in the Pyrenean foothills. The first significant conquest was that of Huesca (1096), which was followed by the definitive seizure of Barbastro (1100 ; earlier briefly taken by Normans in 1064).
The kingdom of Zaragoza was one of the myriad of petty or « sectarian » principalities which emerged from the collapse of the Caliphate of Córdoba early in the eleventh century. It comprised the former Thaghr al-Aqšà’ (« Furthest March ») of the Caliphate, and normally included Larida (Lleida). It was ruled over in succession by two local dynasties, the Banū Tujïb and (from 1040) the Banū Hūd. See, generally, Wasserstein 1985.
Alfonso I was determined to expand the Kingdom of Aragón and block Castilian ambitions. From the outset of his reign he set out to conquer the kingdom of Zaragoza by isolating the capital, capitalizing on the low morale and disunity of local Muslims, and forcing smaller towns and cities to accept his overlordship. Zaragoza itself fell first to the Almoravids in 1118, but surrendered later that year to Alfonso. Although Alfonso did not hesitate to use force when necessary – as in the war he waged against Castile, which was ruled over by his own wife, Urraca (1109-26) – he only fought three major battles against Muslims. His victories at Cutanda (1120), Cullera (1125-26) and Alcalá (1129) established him as the de facto ruler of the former taifa kingdom. See, generally, Stalls 1995, and Catlos 2004b, p. 92-94.
See Ubieto Arteta 1981a.
In Aragón, as in other Muslim territories conquered by Christian princes, the confessional gulf between the victors and vanquished precluded socio‑cultural integration and intermarriage. This was not the case in northern Europe, where for example, conquering Normans and subject Anglo-Saxons and Irish could eventually integrate, and where barriers between peoples were undermined by common, confessionally-defined institutions.
In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Christian powers conquered Muslim Sicily, various Mediterranean islands, as well as (temporarily) the Holy Land. Parts of North Africa were also briefly held by the Normans, but no serious effort was made to colonize them or intervene in their internal affairs. In Sicily and in the Holy Land, Muslim subjects do not seem to have constituted a numerical minority. In Iberia, Aragón and Valencia were the two kingdoms that retained a Muslim population so significant as to constitute a numerical majority or near-majority for more than a generation after the Christian conquest.
The definitive works on the Christian conquest and colonization of Valencia include Guichard 1990, and the many works of R.I. Burns, including, Burns 1967, and Burns 1973. Torró Abad 1999, represents an important, recent, analysis of Christian colonization. Torró’s work emphasizes the transformative and prejudicial aspects of colonization on local Muslim society. Some historians of Aragón have painted a similarly cataclysmic picture of Aragonese colonization (see, for example, Sénac 1991), but there are problems with such an interpretation (see Catlos 2004b, p. 118-120). For a comparison of the two kingdoms, see Catlos 2002b.
In contrast to the realms of Castile-León and the Kingdom of Portugal for which very little documentary material survives for the study of Muslim minorities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the royal, local and ecclesiastical archives of the Crown of Aragón include an immense quantity of records pertaining to land and property transfers, land tenure and irrigation, population and settlement, fiscal receipts and expenditures, not to mention municipal acts, royal charters and correspondence, trial transcripts, wills and notarial receipts and many other types of records. This allows one to study the Muslim minority, particularly in Aragón and Valencia from a number of methodological perspectives, and to investigate various elements within these complex and variegated minority societies. Catlos 2004b is currently the definitive work on Muslim society in Aragon through the thirteenth century.
The pace of conversion to Islam in al-Andalus is debated among historians, with some advocating for a rapid conversion and others accepting the picture suggested by Bulliet, who estimates that the bulk of the Christian population converted in the tenth century. See Bulliet 1979, p. 114-127.
Although the expulsion of the indigenous Muslim population sometimes followed close on the heels of Christian conquest, there is no evidence that Christian princes advocated for expulsion or presented this as a motivation for their campaigns. Any « reconquest » impulse, such as it may have existed, was conceived of in terms of reestablishing Christian political authority over Muslim lands, not cleansing them of Islam or its adherents.
Although « maurophilia » may be characteristic of the later Middle Ages and the Early Modern period, it is rooted in the familiarity and intimacy of Christian-Muslim contact in the preceding centuries. See Fuchs 2009.
Alfonso VI of Castile and León (1065-1109) was known as « Ruler of the Two Religions » and « Emperor of the Three Religions » – which also appeared as his descendant Fernando III (1217-52). His grandson Alfonso VII (1126-57) took the title « Emperor of all of the Spains » which is to say, Christian and Muslim Spain.
The fate of the Muslim populations of the parts of Castile and Portugal conquered in the twelfth century is obscure. There are indications that populations of some areas stayed on, but the sudden decline of Muslim population in these areas strongly suggests emigration, expulsion, enslavement or some combination thereof. For the mudéjares of Portugal, see Lopes de Barros 2008. For Castile, see Ladero Quesada 1981, O'Callaghan 1990, and Soyer 2006.
In 1264, about a generation after its conquest, the Muslims of Castilian-held Andalucia and Murcia rose up in revolt, provoking reprisals in the form of mass expulsions. On the other hand, subsequent revolts in Valencia did not meet with a similar response. Despite the reigning king Jaume I’s proclaimed desire to rid himself of his disloyal Muslim subjects, it simply was not possible.
In Aragón, settlement in some areas (for example, around Lledia) seems to have been intense, involving the displacement of Muslims and the transformation of the productive system. In many areas, however, Christian settlers were relatively few, and were inserted into the irrigation and field systems that had been developed by, and continued to be farmed largely by Muslims. In Valencia, on the other hand, there was a co‑ordinated and deliberate policy to move Muslims out of the huertas they had established in the fertile lowlands so that these could be converted to grain‑production under Christian manpower. See Catlos 2002b ; and Torró Abad 2009.
While Islamic dhimma resembled the Christian policies towards religious minorities in function, there were key di p. erences. One of these was that because certain minority communities (i.e. People of the Book who submitted to Muslim rule) have been given a legitimate place in Islamic society along guidelines established generally in the Qur’ān, they enjoyed a sort of ‘constitutional’ right to exist that was independent princely caprice. Minorities in Christian lands were vulnerable because they did not enjoy such protections. On the other hand, in Christian Iberia, the rights and obligations of minority communities tended to be worked out and recorded in detail in the form of a contract. Moreover, these contracts were periodically renegotiated (typically at the accession of new monarch), a fact which allowed minority communities sometime to leverage greater liberties and better status, at time when they found themselves in a strong bargaining position vis-à-vis the king.
See Catlos 2004b, p. 118-120 and 394-395.
The Christian conquest not only eliminated or displaced the Muslim political elite, but the entire cultural and religious elite as well. Poets, jurists, theologians and scientists – individuals whose professions and socio-economic status were both portable and dependent on the patronage of an Islamic regime – had both the means and the motive to abandon their homelands and relocate in the Muslim-ruled south.
The word « mudéjar » refers to free Muslims in Iberia who lived under Christian rule. Apparently derived from the Arabic ‘mudajjān’ (« those who stayed ») the word is not attested before the late-sixteenth century. Corominas 1981, s.v. ‘Mudéjar’.
The rural economy in the lands taken over from Muslims was one that remained organized around towns and villages, many of which were free from seigniorial control. Even in the countryside there was a commercialized cash economy, characterized real land ownership, by considerable freedom of movement of peasants, the existence of a functioning labor market, and the combining of urban and rural professions by the same individuals. « Manorial » structures were absent and hallmarks of European « feudalism » such as the demesne and corvée, were either absent or severely restricted.
Muslims and Jews were referred to by the Aragonese kings as a « royal treasure ». See Boswell 1977, p. 30. As such, Muslims were immune from capital punishment, and judicial torture and dismemberment without specific royal approval.
A wide-array and tremendous quantity of source material is available for the study of mudéjar society in the Crown of Aragon, including chancery letters, fiscal receipts, court transcripts, legal texts, charters, tax records, and notarial registers, which can be found in royal, ecclesiastical and municipal archives.
These included respect for the local Islamic judicial and fiscal system, the right to practice Islam as a religion, and legal protections for person and property.
See Catlos 1999.
See Catlos 2004b, p. 126-128 and f.
See Catlos 2001 ; Catlos 2002a ; Catlos 2004b, p. 390-408 ; and Catlos in progress.
While it was possible – although fraught – for Muslims to submit to a non-Muslim prince, maintaining the basic integrity of Islamic justice was a necessary condition for them to make such a compromise. See for example, Van Koningsveld and Wiegers 1996.
See Catlos 2004b, p. 154-158.
For example, in 1275 Jaume I confirmed liberty from community taxes for Mahomad, son of a former alfaquinus of Calatayud, as well as his sons and daughters and all of his descendants in perpetuum (Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Barcelona [hereafter, « ACA »], Cancillería [hereafter, « C. »], reg. 37, fol. 78v [8 January 1275]).
Muslim (and Jewish) minority communities in the Crown of Aragon were riven by bitter disputes between rulers and community members regarding the latter’s tax-exempt status. See, for example, the case of the çaualquen of Huesca, Çalema de Rey, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, in Catlos 2009c.
The Abenferres, for example, who dominated the aljama of Lleida through most of the fourteenth century, were soap-makers. See Mutgé i Vives 1998. Çalema Alatili, served as magistrate of the same aljama in the late 1200s, after a successful career as a « master engineer » in the service of the king. See Catlos 2004b, p.195–196. The administrative influence of the Bellvis family (see below, n. ) in the late 1300s was built in part on their influence as grooms to the royal family.
See Catlos 2004b, p. 214-215. Interestingly, inherited aljama administrative posts were handed down ‘vertically’ through a father-son medium, rather than ‘horizontally’ to a senior member of a wider agnatic family (a cousin or nephew, for example) – a detail which suggests that « Oriental » clan-type family-structures were not current among Ebro Valley mudéjares by the 1200s. For the « Oriental » family in Spanish Islamic society, see, generally, Guichard 1977.
See Catlos 2004b, p. 154-156.
See the examples of the Cordovan jurists al-Makwï and Ibn al-Salïm in Marín 1998-1999, p. 255.
Normally, initial appointments were made ad vitam ; however, when officials got in trouble they were usually re-appointed at the kings pleasure (dum Nobis placerit). See, for example, ACA, C., reg. 195, fol. 66v-67r (10 September 1297), ed. Basáñez Villaluenga 1989.
Notices of petitions like these surface occasionally in the chancery registers. For example, in 1295, Mariem, a Muslim of Teruel, complained personally to the king that her husband had been murdered by a gang of Muslims acting in collusion with a local Christian official : ACA, C., reg. 101, fol. 147v (16 June 1295).
In 1293, for example, a group representing the aljama of Huesca journeyed to a the royal presence to request the dismissal of their ruler, Abrahim Abengentor [ACA, C., reg. 96, fol. 76-77r (22 October 1293).]
Abrahim Abengentor (see previous note) terrorized the aljama of Huesca for some thirty years. The complaints of his constituents did not sway the king, but the moment the aljama’s tax revenues begam to fall, Abrahim was deposed by royal order. See Catlos 2003.
For various examples, see Catlos 2004b, p. 214-216.
For a case in which mudéjares may have engineered the dismissal of an aljama official via the royal court based on spurious or dubious complaint, see Catlos 2009b.
For taxation, see for example, Catlos 2004b, p. 138-143, for cemeteries, ibid., p. 320, and butcher shops, ibid., p. 194-95.
See, for example, ibid., p. 158-161.
Mark Meyerson argues that whereas Islamic society was open to conversion thanks to the transitional role of the practice of clientage in conversion, Christian society was functionally averse to attracting and absorbing new converts (Meyerson 2010).
For the Bellvises, see for example, Febrer Romaguera 1986 ; Echevarría Arsuaga 2003 ; Barceló Torres 1980. For the Bellidos, see Catlos 2004b, p. 217-219 and 331-337 ; Lourie 1990.
Until the fifteenth century, we have very little documentary evidence of mudéjar religious life despite its vibrancy. Clearly, however, any overlap between the religious elite and the official administrative elite (whose competencies included religious authority by dint of its judicial role) was accidental. For an attempt to illuminate the Aragonese mudéjar religious elite, see Miller 2008.
See Catlos 2004b, p. 156-158.
Aljamas could strike back at members who resisted paying taxes by formally excluding them from the communal privileges of the aljama, including attending the mosque and being buried in the local Islamic cemetery. See, for example, Ferrer i Mallol 2007. Along with these formal boycotts we must assume that tax-evading Muslims must have been subject to informal social pressures. In a world largely definited by juridical/religious community the e p. ect that social isolation must have had on individuals cannot be understated.
Mudéjares became fiscal dependants of noblemen and women, Military Orders, and cathedral and monastic chapters. This did not represent vassalage in the feudal sense, given that in principle the kings maintained direct jurisdiction over Muslim subjects.
For detailed accounts of struggles such as these see, Catlos 2004a, p. 327-338 and 339-346, and Catlos 2009a.
See ACA, C., reg. 688, p. 160r-v (16 February 1357), ed. Boswell 1977, p. 417-419 ; ACA, C. reg. 690, p. 232r-v.
See ACA, C., reg. 86, fol. 186v (3 September 1291) ; ACA, C., reg. 87, fol. 47r (11 March 1292) ; ACA, C., reg. 94, fol. 133r[109r] (27 December 1292), cit. Basáñez Villaluenga 1999.
Soltana, the daughter of a certain Ali de Godalest had been married to an individual named Saydo, who was from Dénia. When they divorced, Soltana sued her ex-husband in the royal court for the return of the mahr (dower) he had pledged, and which amounted to the substantial sum of 2,000 solidi. ACA, Processes en Quart, 1301J (14 December 1301). Occasional references like this, confirm that there was a prosperous class of mudéjares that has escaped the notice of historians because they generally did not show up in the o p. icial documentation of the Crown.
This is one of the instances when our sources fail us. While her have indirect evidence for the existence of popular but unofficial religious authorities, these individuals simply did not normally emerge in official documentation.
See, Catlos 2009a, p. 207-208.
For the administrative subjugation of hamlets by larger towns, see, for example Corral Lafuente 1993, p. 487-500.
Burns coined the term ‘patriciate’ in reference to the wealthy class of post-conquest Valencian mudéjares : Burns 1973, p. 406. It’s not clear however, that this group can be considered to be a « social class », with all that that term implies, rather than merely the upper socio-economic stratum of the Muslim minority.Haut de page